Opinion | Trump’s Return: Good For India, But The Opposition Isn’t Pleased

Donald Trump’s sweeping victory in the US Presidential elections last week has received mixed responses worldwide.

While certain countries, such as China, are wary of a punitive Trump, who is all set to intensify the trade war further, even allies—particularly those in Europe—are anxious about a potential reduction in the US commitment to their security.

Amidst this, a remark by India’s External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar, stands out: many countries may be nervous about the US today, but India is not among them.

While it is true that the Modi government in India is elated at the prospect of a Trump return due to multiple reasons, there is still one section in India that remains deeply disappointed by his victory.

No prize for guessing that it is India’s principal opposition party that is viewing the loss of Kamala Harris as a personal one.

Over the last four years, no entity has benefited more from the Biden administration’s apparent eagerness to interfere in India’s domestic politics for strategic purposes than the Indian National Congress.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, who was recently appointed Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha following this year’s general elections, has left no stone unturned in seeking external support against the current Modi government.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi first assumed office in 2014, Gandhi’s foreign visits have often been marked by attempts to raise questions over the effective functioning of the Indian democracy.

Especially this year, when he made his first foreign visit to the United States after becoming LoP, his statements led to a big controversy.

For instance, he not only criticised the electoral process but also cast doubts on the BJP’s victory.

As if this were not enough, he made the unfounded claim that Sikhs are not permitted to wear their religious symbols in India—a statement far removed from reality.

In truth, even the Indian Armed Forces provide multiple relaxations to the Sikh community to observe their religious codes freely.

The timing of this claim was especially suspicious because, at that time, the Biden administration was already indicting India for targeting Khalistanis.

Gandhi’s statement seemed right out of the US State Department’s script to target the Indian government over religious intolerance.

He also met Donald Lu, a top State Department official whose alleged involvement in regime-change efforts in Bangladesh and in the removal of Imran Khan in Pakistan has been the subject of considerable discussion.

The Congress party, which has failed to come to power for three consecutive terms, had found a sympathetic ear in the American establishment under Joe Biden’s presidency.

A large segment of the Biden administration was displeased with India’s independent foreign policy, particularly its stance on the Ukraine war.

The Modi government’s focus on India’s self-interest—prioritising affordable oil prices by procuring discounted supplies from Russia—did not sit well with the Democrats.

As a developing nation with a longstanding defence dependency on Russian arms, India, under PM Modi, was simply acting in the country’s best interests.

However, the Democrats, who pursue a highly values-driven foreign policy, could not accept this stance from India.

Although both the Democrats and the Republicans subscribe to certain sets of values when it comes to international relations, unlike the Republicans, who emphasise universal values of national security, the free market, and sovereignty, the Democrats push for an agenda of human rights, democracy promotion, and social justice, which is based on the superfluous moral superiority of the West.

This Democratic emphasis on certain values leads them to justify interference in foreign countries in the name of building a better world, viewing it as an American responsibility.

However, as a country colonised by a similar imperial power for almost two centuries, Indians are generally wary of America’s evangelical promotion of its values.

Nonetheless, the Congress party remains open to such external involvement—a party that was, incidentally, founded by a British man, Allan Octavian Hume.

After independence, many Congress leaders became wary of foreign interference, with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi publicly voicing concerns on multiple occasions about foreign powers attempting to unseat her from office.

However, in recent years, Congress under the Gandhi family’s leadership has become very amenable to seeking external interference.

Over the past decade, Rahul Gandhi has personally met with Ilhan Omar, a US Congresswoman who views India as an occupying force in Kashmir and aligns with Pakistan’s stance on the issue.

He has also met with individuals who are accused of being on the payrolls of George Soros, a philanthropist who is known for using substantial funds to destabilise governments in other countries.

When the Modi government highlighted this fact on one occasion, the US State Department responded by accusing it of anti-Semitism.

Similarly, in 2023, when Rahul Gandhi received a two-year prison sentence for defamatory remarks and was disqualified as a Member of Parliament under Indian law, the US State Department once again took the opportunity to criticise the Modi government, implying that India’s judiciary was under political pressure.

Under Biden’s presidency, the collusion between Congress and the anti-India deep state in the US operated seamlessly, with the State Department playing a key role.

But now, it’s the Department of Defense, and not the State Department, that will dominate the course of India-US relations under Trump.

Unlike the State Department under Antony Blinken, which frequently engaged in virtue signalling and subjected India to concerted pressures from Islamist and leftist lobbies, the Department of Defense is expected to focus on shared interests.

Trump’s choice for Secretary of State, Senator Marco Rubio, is also known for recognising India’s importance as a strategic partner.

In July, he introduced a bill proposing a limited exemption for India from CAATSA sanctions related to the purchase of Russian equipment.

The bill also called for treating India on par with other US allies such as Japan, Israel, and South Korea.

More broadly, the Trump administration is likely to shift the emphasis of American foreign policy from the European theatre to the Indo-Pacific.

This realignment would position India once again as a credible ally in countering China, fostering greater synergy between the two countries’ foreign policies.

Secondly, India’s vast market potential, particularly its status as the world’s largest importer of defence equipment, will once again reinforce its position of importance in American strategic planning.

This suggests that a Trump administration would be far more likely to engage with the Modi government rather than give attention to opposition parties and their exaggerated claims that democracy in India is failing.

Reflecting on the Congress party’s track record over the past decade—where it has sought to undermine India’s democracy on the global stage merely because the electorate has repeatedly rejected it—one cannot help but feel a sense of dismay.

If only the Gandhis’ commitment to democratic principles were as strong as they profess.

For if that were the case, the Congress would also value internal party democracy, where merit-based leaders, rather than a single family, could rise through the ranks.

Yet, as things stand, internal democratisation within the Congress seems a distant prospect.

It is high time for the party to function as a genuine opposition, seeking space for dissent within the framework of Indian democracy.

The author is a New Delhi-based commentator on geopolitics and foreign policy.

She holds a PhD from the Department of International Relations, South Asian University.

She tweets @TrulyMonica.

The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author.

They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.

.